La reciente aprobación de la LOMLOE ha propiciado un intenso debate sobre su contenido y, muy significadamente, sobre aquellos aspectos del texto legislativo orgánico más controvertidos desde la perspectiva constitucional. Más allá de la controversia generada en torno a su singular tramitación, impulsada con suma celeridad durante la pandemia y fruto de un procedimiento legislativo técnicamente cuestionable, la crítica se ha focalizado en las novedades legales referidas a la educación concertada, el modelo pedagógico de escuela diferenciada o el recorte de la potestad directiva respecto de las titularidades privadas. El texto orgánico estatal sobredimensiona la vertiente prestacional del derecho a la educación a fuerza de limitar su intrínseco valor de libertad y nos desliza hacia un cuestionable modelo educativo estatalizante que no sólo se aparta del consenso constitucional sino que puede menoscabar seriamente el sistema de valores que fundamentan la UE. Reabriendo, en definitiva, un debate constitucional cuya resolución arrojará luz sobre aspectos determinantes del modelo educativo español, condenado a una inestabilidad crónica por un legislador estatal incapaz de forjar consensos perdurables en el tiempo.
The recent approval of the LOMLOE has led to an intense debate on its content and, very significantly, on those aspects of the organic legislative text that are most controversial from a constitutional perspective. Beyond the controversy generated around its unique processing, promoted with great speed during the pandemic and the result of a technically questionable legislative procedure, criticism has focused on the legal developments related to concerted education, the pedagogical model of differentiated school or the curtailment of managerial power with respect to private ownership. The state organic text oversizes the performance aspect of the right to education by dint of limiting its intrinsic value of freedom and slides us towards a questionable state educational model that not only departs from the constitutional consensus but can seriously undermine the system of values that support The EU. Reopening, in short, a constitutional debate whose resolution will shed light on determining aspects of the Spanish educational model, condemned to chronic instability by a state legislator incapable of forging lasting consensus over time.
SummaryI. INTRODUCTION. II. ONE MORE THAN DISCUSSED PARLIAMENTARY PROCESSING THAT PREVENTS CONCLUSION OF THE EDUCATIONAL AGREEMENT. III. PRIORITIZATION OF THE PUBLIC NETWORK AND PRETERITION OF THE CHARTER SCHOOL: SUPPRESSION OF SOCIAL DEMAND AS A CRITERION OF GENERAL EDUCATION PROGRAMMING. IV. ASPECTS RELATED TO PRIVATE LEGAL ENTITIES AS OWNERS OF EDUCATIONAL CENTERS. V. COEDUCATION AND SINGLE-SEX: REOPENING OF A CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE. VI. ONE LAST NOTE ON THE CRITICAL ASPECTS REFERRED TO SPECIAL EDUCATION NEEDS. VII. CONCLUSIONS.