Acceso usuarios
Paloma González del Miño 
, David Hernández Martínez
El artículo analiza la política exterior española con los miembros del Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo (CCG) -Arabia Saudí, Omán, Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU), Qatar, Bahréin y Kuwait- desde el establecimiento de la democracia en España hasta la actualidad (1978-2021). El análisis abarca un período donde las relaciones han ido progresivamente intensificándose, repercutiendo en ámbitos como el comercio, la energía, la seguridad, la cultura y la política. El reino saudí constituye el país de la región con el que España tiene unos vínculos más estrechos y consolidados, aunque también destaca el peso creciente de EAU y Qatar.
Un elemento central de estas relaciones bilaterales recae en la figura del monarca español que con fuerte carácter diplomático y apoyado en la confianza entre la casa real española y sus homólogos de la región contribuye a potenciar la política exterior y la imagen del país entre los socios de la zona. La investigación demuestra que las relaciones con las monarquías árabes del Golfo es una de las áreas de la política exterior española que muestra una mayor continuidad y coherencia a lo largo del tiempo. Existe un consenso entre las principales fuerzas políticas, sociales y económicas españolas por mantener las especiales relaciones bilaterales en un entorno discrecional. No obstante, en los últimos aumentan las críticas y presiones en España por limitar la asociación con este tipo de regímenes.
El trabajo expone la evolución de las relaciones hispano-árabes a través de diferentes etapas, que se corresponden con cambios políticos y sociales ocurridos tanto en el contexto doméstico como en el espacio internacional. El estudio se enmarca en el enfoque de política exterior, estableciendo dos líneas centrales de trabajo. En primer lugar, analizando las relaciones de España con las monarquías del Golfo según la evolución del contexto internacional, espacio regional y circunstancias internas; y, en segundo término, la exposición de los principales objetivos e intereses sobre los que el Estado español intenta desarrollar las asociaciones con los regímenes árabes, así como decisiones, medios y recursos implementados para su realización.
Spanish foreign policy towards the Arab world is the object of numerous papers, and authors who approach Spanish relations with North Africa and the Middle East do so from different disciplines and theoretical perspectives. Studies with emphasis on Hispano-Arab relations take as their main focus the Maghreb area and, especially, Morocco, due to Spain’s close political, economic, social and historical ties with the Moroccan kingdom. However, there are other scenarios within the broad and heterogeneous region which also acquire significant importance within Spain’s international agenda, such as the Gulf monarchies. The last period of the Franco regime constituted a precedent in relations between Spain and the Gulf monarchies since it was the first rapprochement between the two parties. In this sense, the arrival of the democratic system in Spain does not introduce significant changes in Spanish foreign policy towards the region, but rather successive democratic governments will try to deepen the political, economic, cultural and security relations with the GCC members.This paper examines Spanish foreign policy towards the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): Saudi Arabia, Oman, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait, from the consolidation of democracy in Spain until current days (1978-2021). The research includes a period in which relations have been progressively intensifying, reverberating in different areas such as commerce, energy, security, culture, and politics. The Saudi kingdom is the country in the region which Spain has the closest and most consolidated ties, although the growing weight of the UAE and Qatar also stands out. The energy sector and, particularly, oil commerce, is the main element that motivates Spanish interest in these six countries. Nonetheless, throughout the period analyzed, the attention of Spanish political and economic actors on the GCC countries has been extended to other sectors and issues such as infrastructure, financial services, or the food industry. Furthermore, the Gulf monarchies are also assuming an increasingly leading role in the Spanish economy, investing in strategic national sectors in recent years.Defense and military issues have become another fundamental aspect of relations between Spain and the members of the GCC. The Spanish state is one of the main exporters of arms and military equipment in the region. This type of link has resulted in consolidated political cooperation between the countries. Spain has always supported the different royal families and their political systems as mechanisms to guarantee stability in the region and safeguard foreign interests. The different Spanish governments have never conditioned relations with Arab partners on issues such as democracy or human rights, which are issues that have always been excluded from the common agenda. This is a political trend that remains within the Spanish strategy throughout the period analyzed.A central element of Spain-Arab countries axis is the high trust between the Spanish royal house and their counterparts in the region, with a strong diplomatic character that contributes to enhancing Spanish foreign policy and public image among the area partners. The research substantiates that relations with the Gulf monarchies is one of the areas of Spanish foreign policy which shows the greatest continuity and coherence over time. There is a consensus among the main Spanish political, social, and economic actors to maintain the special bilateral relations in a discretionary environment. However, in recent years, criticism and social pressure is increasing in Spain to limit the association with this type of political regime. The paper exposes the evolution of Hispanic-Arab relations through different stages, which correspond to political and social changes that have happened both at the domestic level and in the international context. However, Spain has always tried to sustain and preserve its relations with the members of the GCC, despite the numerous internal, regional, and global crises of the last decades.The study is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach, establishing two central lines of inquiry. In the first place, Spain’s relations with the Gulf monarchies is elaborated according to the development of the international, regional, and domestic context. Secondly, it traces the main goals and interests on which the Spanish State tries to boost partnerships with Arab regimes, as well as the decisions, means and resources implemented to make them a success. Spanish foreign policy during the democratic period has shifted mainly along three axes: the United States, Europe, and Latin America. The Arab world represents the fourth pillar of Spain’s foreign policy. At this point, the monarchies of the Gulf have an exceptional role, which is reflected in the excessive concern of the Spanish governments to preserve the special nature of relations above any external or internal conditioning factor. The research justifies the need to address a reality of Spanish foreign policy that is sometimes little studied and analyzed, even though it is shown to be an important component of the international relations of democratic Spain. Relations between Spain and the Arab monarchies seems to enter a new period of marked by the progressive distancing of the parties since their priorities and objectives are increasingly disparate.The general purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze Spain’s foreign policy towards the region, but also to explore possible future scenarios for bilateral relations. Current circumstances and conjunctures in Spain, the Arab world and the international system are forcing the Spanish authorities to reformulate all foreign policy, including their relations with the Gulf monarchies. If Spain wants to continue being a relevant partner for the GCC monarchies, it has to rethink some of its political, economic and security positions. More and more foreign powers have interests in the Gulf region, while at the same time the six members of the GCC have more complex and ambitious foreign agendas, meaning that Spain has a difficult time in maintaining its relevance for its Arab partners. The paper tries to explain and define a large part of these unknowns and problems that arise within Spanish foreign policy. The Arab monarchies will continue to be political and economic partners for Spain in the short and medium term, although the trend seems to show important signs of change and disruption.
