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El nuevo compromiso global por el desarrollo sostenible se ha traducido en la elaboración de la Agenda 2030 y sus diecisiete Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS), aprobados en 2015 por ciento noventa y tres estados miembros de las Naciones Unidas, a través de los cuales se comprometen a velar por un crecimiento económico sostenido e integrador, la inclusión social y la protección del medio ambiente, y a hacerlo en un marco de paz y cooperación. En tal sentido, la Agenda se divide en cinco áreas, esferas o dimensiones de vital importancia (también conocidas como las 5P): personas, planeta, prosperidad, paz y partenariados. En este marco global, algunas planificaciones nacionales para el desarrollo en la región latinoamericana evidencian una apuesta a estilos con fuerte énfasis en el crecimiento económico, basado predominantemente en una matriz productiva con fuerte peso de sus materias primas y recursos naturales. Aunque existe un conjunto de medidas que involucran la promoción tecnológica y el fomento de la innovación dirigidas a aumentar la competitividad de los procesos de producción, se evidencia una apuesta firme al modelo extractivo-exportador, lo que contribuye a la idea de un escenario de reprimarización de las economías latinoamericanas en los dos últimos lustros. Este escenario se liga a una estrategia de inserción en el mercado internacional que posiciona a estos países, por un lado, como captadores ávidos de inversión extranjera y por otro, los presenta con un rol principalmente proveedor de materias primas a los centros industriales, reproduciendo una pretérita división internacional del trabajo. Este escenario plantea el reto, para varios países de la región, de articular un conjunto de propuestas de política pública hacia el tejido productivo y otras hacia el cuidado del medio ambiente en el marco de sus procesos de planificación, con los compromisos que plantea la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, vinculados directamente a las metas relativas a las esferas de Prosperidad y Planeta. Se genera así, una divergencia entre factores y decisiones a corto plazo y los objetivos a largo plazo, lo que requiere de un equilibrio entre propósitos eventualmente contrapuestos.En virtud de este escenario en tensión, este trabajo tiene por objetivo analizar en qué medida y de qué forma se han contemplado, en el marco de las planificaciones nacionales post 2015, estas dos esferas de los ODS. Para ello, se han seleccionado tres planificaciones nacionales (una del cono sur y una del norte de Sudamérica, y una de Centro América) a los efectos de identificar las estrategias que han tomado cada uno de estos países frente a los dilemas planteados. Con ello, es de interés poder contribuir a la discusión sobre la forma en que han sido (o no) incorporadas las aspiraciones y metas mundiales de las esferas de Prosperidad y Planeta a los procesos de planificación nacionales latinoamericanos.
The new global commitment to sustainable development has materialised in the creation of the 2030 Agenda and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), approved in 2015 by 193 mem-ber states of the United Nations. Through this pact, states have committed to ensuring sustained and inclusive economic growth, social inclusion, and environmental protection, and to doing so within a framework of peace and cooperation. In this regard, the Agenda is divided into five vital areas, spheres, or dimensions, universally known as the 5Ps: people, planet, prosperity, peace, and partnerships.Likewise, the Agenda has highlighted a set of fundamental principles that are interconnected and give a comprehensive character to its approach. First, it includes the principle of universality, as it has a global scope regardless of the relative level of development of the countries. Secondly, the principle of inclusion is prioritised, calling for the participation of all segments of society; this principle empha-sises the core commitment to “Leaving No One Behind” (LNOB), which implies a deliberate effort to reach the furthest behind, the most vulnerable, and the marginalised first, ensuring that development is truly universal. Therefore, it is expected that its goals are achieved comprehensively, in an inter-connected and indivisible manner.It is precisely the interconnectedness and indivisibility of the SDGs that generate a crucial analytical focus when examining the potentially tense relationship between the goals aligned with the prosperity sphere and those focused on the planet sphere. While Prosperity aims to foster a world with produc-tive and fulfilling lives, benefiting from economic and social progress, planet groups the measures to protect the environment and achieve sustainable consumption and production.Within this global framework, some national development plans in the Latin American region show a commitment to styles with a strong emphasis on economic growth, based predominantly on a produc-tion matrix with a significant weight of raw materials and natural resources. Despite the existence of a set of measures involving technological promotion and the encouragement of innovation aimed at in-creasing the competitiveness of production processes, there is clear commitment to the extractive-ex-port model, which contributes to the idea of a scenario of reprimarisation of economies in the last two decades. This scenario is linked to a strategy of insertion into the international market that positions these countries as avid captors of foreign investment and, on the other hand, presents them with a primary role as suppliers of raw materials to industrial centres, reproducing a bygone international division of labour.This scenario poses a challenge for several countries in the region to articulate a set of public policy pro-posals towards the productive sector and others towards environmental care within the framework of their planning processes, with the commitments set forth in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Develop-ment, directly linked to the goals related to the prosperity and planet spheres. This thus generates a di-vergence between short-term factors and decisions and long-term objectives, which requires a balance between eventually opposing purposes. This tension is nourished by the persistence of the epistemic coloniality of power, a eurocentric rationality that has historically subordinated peripheral territories to accumulation logics centred on extraction.In light of this tense scenario, this work aimed to analyse to what extent and in what way these two spheres of the SDGs have been contemplated within the framework of national post-2015 planning. To this end, three national planning documents were selected, namely: Colombia (Government Plan “Co-lombia, World Power for Life. 2022-2026”), Costa Rica (Bicentennial National Development and Public Investment Plan 2019-2022), and Uruguay (Development Strategy 2050). The selection was guided by the interest in countries that, despite their differences, present productive models with strong pressure on natural resources. The methodology was based on a cross-sectional content analysis of the planning documents, seeking to identify the strategies that each of these countries has taken in response to the dilemmas raised and comparing the relative emphasis given to the prosperity and planet spheres in their development agendas. The case analysis for Colombia reveals that the Government Plan is conceived as a basis for fostering a country leader in the protection of life and the overcoming of injustices, seeking good living (buen vi-vir). It is structured around three key transitions, with the economic transition being essential, involving the gradual abandonment of extractivism towards a decarbonised economy. The qualitative analysis of the strategic interventions shows that the prosperity sphere concentrates the largest relative weight in the planning documents, followed by people and peace, indicating a significant priority in the agenda. The planet sphere has a lower concentration of interventions.In the case of Costa Rica, its National Development and Public Investment Plan adopts the SDGs as its own, seeking inclusive economic growth in harmony with the environment. Its central challenges include the reduction of poverty and inequality, the strengthening of infrastructure, and, fundamen-tally, the management of climate change. Costa Rica seeks to be a pioneer in the decarbonisation of the economy, which requires a gradual decrease in the consumption of fossil fuels to move towards a sustainable system of renewable energies, reflecting an explicit and long-term commitment to the planet sphere.For its part, the case of Uruguay, through its Development Strategy 2050, is distinguished by its focus on a long-term vision and marked institutional stability, seeking the articulation between the goals of prosperity and planet. Its planning emphasises quality of life, social investment, and environmental sustainability, attempting to reconcile economic growth with the care of its natural resources. However, like the other countries, its planning must manage the intrinsic tension of the region, which involves sustaining a predominantly primary-export model, requiring a constant effort to diversify its economy and ensure that environmental goals are not postponed due to short-term economic pressures.Through the analysis of these cases, it can be concluded that the 2030 Agenda has exerted an undeni-able influence on the spirit and structure of post-2015 Latin American national planning, with the SDGs adopting a central role in the planning documents. However, the existence of a persistent tension is confirmed. Although countries like Colombia and Costa Rica demonstrate an explicit commitment to the planet sphere and the intention to change the production matrix, the adopted models continue to de-pend largely on external demand and are conditioned by the logic of the global economy, which imposes strong pressure on environmental resources. The incorporation of the global aspirations of prosperity and planet undoubtedly poses a dilemma between the incorporation of world goals and the processes of Latin American national planning.
