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Uno de los acontecimientos ocurridos después de la revolución de 1979 en el ámbito de la política exterior de la República Islámica de Irán fue la formación de la política de Mirar al Este. Esta estrategia representa una política orientada a equilibrar las relaciones políticas y económicas con los países occidentales, por un lado, y con los países de Asia Oriental, por otro, teniendo en cuenta sus posibilidades potenciales. Sin embargo, durante la presidencia de Ebrahim Raisi, la política exterior iraní, manteniendo su compromiso con la continuidad de las políticas generales, buscó establecer fundamentos intelectuales y principios rectores que orientaran su comportamiento y su sistema diplomático.Esta orientación, influenciada por la retirada de Estados Unidos del JCPOA (Plan Integral de Acción Conjunta), situó nuevamente —con mayor seriedad que antes— el regionalismo, la política de vecindad y la estrategia de Mirar al Esteen la agenda de política exterior del nuevo gobierno iraní. Por ello, en los últimos años, la República Islámica de Irán ha prestado especial atención al establecimiento de relaciones estrechas y a la interacción con los países de la región estratégica del Indo-Pacífico, con el fin de consolidar y alcanzar sus intereses nacionales mediante una redefinición de la tradicional estrategia de Mirar al Este. Con base en lo anterior, el autor de este artículo responde, mediante un enfoque descriptivo-analítico y aplicando los supuestos de la teoría constructivista, a la siguiente pregunta: ¿cuáles son las motivaciones de la presencia del Indo-Pacífico en la estrategia de Mirar al Este de Irán?La hipótesis planteada es que, afectada por los desafíos impuestos por las sanciones occidentales contra Irán y con-siderando la posición especial que ocupa la región estratégica del Indo-Pacífico en las ecuaciones geopolíticas de la posguerra fría, la diplomacia iraní tiene fuertes incentivos para estar presente en el Indo-Pacífico en el marco de la estrategia de Mirar al Este en el futuro. Los hallazgos de la investigación demuestran que revitalizar la dirección de la política exterior Sur-Sur, consolidar la presencia de Irán en la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái, garantizar un suministro energético sostenible, acceder a tecnologías modernas y posicionarse en las rutas de los corredores internacionales constituyen las principales motivaciones de Irán para su presencia en el Indo-Pacífico en el futuro. Asimismo, el artículo sostiene que el análisis de la política de Mirar al Este de Irán puede comprenderse desde la perspectiva de la teoría del constructivismo, el papel de los componentes identitarios y las normas e valores inter-subjetivos compartidos, así como el origen de algunas acciones y comportamientos de la política exterior iraní y sus intereses nacionales en el Indo-Pacífico.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, many countries with a multidimen-sional and strategic view of regionalism and related issues paid special attention to securing, guaran-teeing, and maximizing their national interests. Following the international developments that emerged in the atmosphere after the 1979 revolution, the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran —taking into account the historical experience and the cold relations with the West— tried to create deep political and economic constructive cooperation and interaction based on the East Look strategy with resource centers and revisionist countries in competition with America’s new order. This approach was reflected in official documents such as the Twenty-Year Vision, General Policies document approved by the As-sembly, the Expediency Discernment Council and the Constitutional Law.Many practical and theoretical views have been expressed following the East Look strategy, which takes a strategic approach to regions beyond Iran’s northeastern, eastern, and southeastern borders, espe-cially China and Russia. The first existing point of view, which is largely pragmatic, provides clear and codified definitions of the geographical, spatial, and identity characteristics of the Eastern region, es-pecially China, and believes in establishing converging relations in the form of bilateral and multilateral coalitions. The second point of view, which does not have a geographical view and is mainly based on values, views the East as an ideological geography that can challenge the Western values and norms governing the field of international politics. A third point of view, reminiscent of the bipolar era, assigns a completely ideological role to the Eastern sphere in front of the Western world, from the standpoint of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Of course, there is another point of view which, contrary to the prevail-ing opinion of experts who consider the East Look strategy to be effective from economic and cultural links and civilizational fields, argues that, due to the increasing pressures of the West, and especially America, towards the Islamic Republic of Iran, the political elites are trying to find strategic allies, in-cluding China, to increase national security and manage sanctions imposed by the West in the anarchic international system.Iran’s East Look policy is one of the strategic policies aimed at balancing political and economic relations with both Western and East Asian countries, considering their potential capacities. However, under the presidency of Ebrahim Raisi, Iran’s foreign policy, while remaining committed to general policies, tried to create special intellectual and principled foundations to govern its behavior and orientation toward Iran’s diplomatic system. This orientation, under the influence of America’s withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), once again brought regionalism, neighborhood policy, and the East Look strategy to the forefront of the new Iranian government’s foreign policy agenda. Therefore, in recent years, to consolidate and achieve its national interests through redefining the tra-ditional East Look strategy, the Islamic Republic of Iran has paid special attention to establishing close relations and interaction with the countries present in the Indo-Pacific strategic region. Accordingly, the article answers, with a descriptive-analytical approach, and by applying the assumptions of constructivist theory, the question: what are the motivations for being in the Indo-Pacific in Iran’s East Look strategy? Based on the hypothesis that this engagement is affected by the challenges imposed by Western sanc-tions against Iran, and given the special position that the Indo-Pacific strategic area has in the post-Cold War geopolitical equations, Iran’s diplomatic apparatus has strong incentives to be present in the Indo-Pacific within the framework of the East Look strategy, which is expected to play a significant role in the future.The case study of Iran within the framework of its East Look strategy and its engagements in the In-do-Pacific region holds substantial theoretical importance for discussions on foreign policy and state identity formation. First, Iran represents a unique case as a state in which identity has been shaped at the intersection of revolutionary, religious, and nationalist discourses, making it an ideal subject for examining how identity translates into strategic foreign policy actions. Second, the study demonstrates how marginalized states in the international system (such as Iran, which faces Western sanctions and isolationist policies) employ identity-driven mechanisms to redefine national interests and strategic alliances.
Analyzing Iran from this perspective provides a comparative framework for understanding the behavior of other states such as North Korea, Venezuela, or even Russia, which have adopted similar strategies due to their distinct political identities and peripheral positions. Third, focusing on the Indo-Pacific as a discursively constructed space allows for an exploration of how non-material variables (such as civili-zational narratives or anti-colonial norms) shape states’ foreign policy preferences. Consequently, this study not only enriches constructivist literature in International Relations but also offers practical in-sights into the logic of action employed by challenger states within the international order. The element of oriental authenticity as an identity-creating factor is rooted in Iranians’ sense of belonging to the great and ancient Eastern civilization. As bearers of one of Asia’s richest cultural and civilizational heri-tages, Iranians have long associated their identity with historical ties to the East, resulting in centuries of cultural interaction and trade with other Eastern nations.The research findings suggest that a core component of Iran’s Indo-Pacific orientation involves deep-ening ties with Beijing. This is evident in areas such as transportation and transit, scientific and tech-nological diplomacy, and energy security. The development of Iran-China relations can be analyzed through key variables: global power shifts, US-Iran tensions, civilizational affinities between Iran and China, and Iran’s unique economic and energy role. Economically, it is necessary to pay attention to cooperation with China in the form of a twenty-five-year comprehensive strategic plan because the two countries are involved in wide-ranging issues such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) megaproject, the complementary economies of the two countries, and cooperation in the field of energy (petroleum and petrochemicals). Cooperation in the field of technology and infrastructure, bilateral currency agree-ments, dollarization, and China’s macro strategy in the global financial field have many commonalities. Applying constructivism to international relations, Iran’s East Look strategy can be understood as a socially constructed response to shifting geopolitical narratives, where regional identities and inter-subjective understandings of power dynamics influence foreign policy choices. The Indo-Pacific, in this context, is not merely a geographic space but a socially constructed arena where norms, historical narratives, and identity politics shape Iran’s strategic engagements.In short, it can be said that the revival of the South-South foreign policy orientation, the consolidation of Iran’s presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as the sustainable supply of energy, the acquisition of modern technologies, and the establishment of a location along international corridors are the main motivations for Iran to be present in the Indo-Pacific region in the future. Also, this article argues that the analysis of Iran’s East Look policy can be understood from the perspective of structuralist theory, the role of identity components and shared intersubjective norms and values, and the rooting of some of Iran’s foreign policy behaviors and actions and national interests pursued in the Indo-Pacific region.
